Book on ‘Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy’ Launched in Kathmandu

A book titled Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy: Nepal’s Constitutional Context (Volume 1) was officially launched today in Kathmandu, drawing participation from academics, scholars, civil society members, and key stakeholders in Nepal’s federalization process.

Professor BholaThapa, Vice Chancellor of Kathmandu University, formally launching the book, lauded KUSOL’s proactive role in engaging with and contributing to the nation’s ongoing federalization process. He emphasized the relevance of such academic initiatives in shaping national discourse on federalism, particularly in the context of Nepal’s 2015 Constitution.

According to Professor Thapa, “although Nepal has adopted a federal system of governance for a short period, the effective implementation of this system requires significant contributions from experts, scholars, and stakeholders across various sectors. To make federal governance more inclusive and people-centric, it seems necessary to have deeper discussions on the challenges, opportunities, and practical aspects related to federalism.It can be said that the International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia that the School of Law organized in recent past and the resulting book from it are steps taken in that very direction.”

Edited by Professor BipinAdhikari, the book compiles revised papers and proceedings from the two-day international conference organized by the Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSOL) in November 2023. The conference was held with the support of the Australian Embassy and The Asia Foundation.

Bipin Adhikari 3.jpg

Welcoming the participants, Dean of KUSOL, Professor Dr. RishikeshWagle, expressed gratitude to all contributors and participants who had engaged in the rigorous academic discussions that led to the publication. Registrar Professor AchyutWagle provided insights into the major themes of the book, focusing on fiscal federalism, a topic of crucial importance in ensuring effective decentralization and local governance in Nepal.

Professor Ekkumaya Pun, Acting Dean of the School of Arts, highlighted the importance of the book for marginalized and deprived communities, noting that the publication underscores the need for inclusive democratic practices within Nepal’s federal structure. Her remarks focused on how the federal model must address historical inequalities while ensuring equitable representation at all levels.

Senior Advocate Dinesh Tripathi offered his legal perspective on the newly released book, commending its detailed exploration of constitutional and governance issues. He also appreciated some of the papers included in the book.

ParshuramUpadhyay, Senior Governance Advisor at The Asia Foundation, also addressed the gathering. He spoke on the significance of fostering discussions around federalism and inclusion, themes that align with the commitments enshrined in Nepal’s Constitution. Upadhyay emphasized The Asia Foundation’s dedication to supporting initiatives that enhance dialogue on governance reforms, furthering democratic practices, and promoting inclusivity in Nepal.

The attendees hailed the book as a critical resource for academics, policymakers, and practitioners navigating Nepal’s evolving federal system.

संघीयतालाई सबल बनाउने बाटो

प्रा. भोला थापा शनिबार, असोज ५, २०८१

https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/142955

संघीयता र समावेशी लोकतन्त्रको विषयमा हाम्रो समझलाई गहिरो बनाउनने यो पुस्तकले नेपालको संघीय शासन प्रणालीलाई अझ बलियो बनाउन पनि सघाउनेछ।

काठमाडौं विश्वविद्यालयको स्कूल अफ ल ले गत पुसको पहिलो साता (२२-२३ नोभेम्बर, २०२३) मा ‘संघीयता, शक्तिको हस्तान्तरण र समावेशी लोकतन्त्र’ विषयक अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलन गरेको थियो। सम्मेलनमा नेपालमा संघीयताका विभिन्न आयाममाथि राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय व्यक्तित्वका बीचमा बृहत्तर छलफल भएको थियो।

त्यही अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलनका विषयवस्तु समेटेर फेडेरालिज्म, डेम्भलेपमेन्ट अफ पावर एन्ड इन्क्लुसिभ डेमोक्रेसी नेपाल्स कन्स्टिच्युशनल कन्टेक्स पुस्तक तयार गरिएको छ। यसको पहिलो ‘भोल्युम’लाई काठमाडौं विश्वविद्यालय स्कूल अफ लले प्रकाशन गरेको छ।

यस पुस्तकमा विभिन्न विचार, विश्लेषण तथा अनुभवको गहिरो अध्ययन समावेश गरिएको छ। नेपालमा संघीय प्रणालीलाई कसरी सुदृढ बनाउन सकिन्छ र समावेशी लोकतन्त्रको अवधारणालाई कसरी व्यवहारमा लागू गर्न सक्छौं भन्ने महत्त्वपूर्ण छलफल यस पुस्तकभित्र समेटिएको छ ।

नेपालले संघीय शासन प्रणालीलाई अंगीकार गरेको धेरै भएको छैन। तैपनि संघीय शासन प्रणालीको प्रभावकारी कार्यान्वयनका लागि विभिन्न क्षेत्रका विशेषज्ञ, विद्वान र सरोकारवालाको गहन योगदानको आवश्यकता छ। संघीय शासनलाई अझ समावेशी र जनमुखी बनाउन संघीयतासँग सम्बन्धित चुनौति, अवसर तथा यसका व्यवहारिक पक्षबारे अझै धेरै गहिराईमा बहस हुनुपर्ने देखिन्छ।
गत वर्षको अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलन त्यसैको एक कडी थियो। त्यो सम्मेलनको उत्पादनका रुपमा यो पुस्तकले सोही दिशातर्फ एउटा कदम अघि बढाउने प्रयत्न गरेको छ।

संघीयता, केवल संघ, प्रदेश तथा स्थानीय तह बीचको शक्तिको बाँडफाँड मात्र होइन। यसले स्थानीय समुदायलाई सशक्त बनाउन, उनीहरूको आवाजलाई प्राथमिकतामा राख्न र सरकारलाई नागरिकप्रति जवाफदेही हुन सहयोग पुर्‍याउनुपर्छ।

यसका साथै वित्तीय संघीयताको विषय पनि नेपालको लागि महत्त्वपूर्ण विषय हो। यस्ता विषयलाई यो पुस्तकले एक सूत्रमा बाँधेको छ।

यस पुस्तकमा समावेश गरिएको समावेशी लोकतन्त्रको अवधारणा विशेष महत्त्वको छ। समावेशी लोकतन्त्रलाई राजनीतिक प्रतिनिधित्वमा मात्र सीमित बनाउनुहुँदैन। यो समाजको हरेक क्षेत्रका मानिस को सहभागिता सुनिश्चित गर्ने मार्ग हो। यो पुस्तकमा समावेशिताले कसरी सबै समुदायलाई राज्यका स्रोतहरूमा समान पहुँच दिलाउन सक्छ भन्ने विषयलाई विस्तृत रुपमा उल्लेख गरिएको छ।

यो पुस्तक केवल ज्ञानको स्रोत मात्र होइन, यसले नेपाल र अन्य संघीय राष्ट्रहरूको लागि मार्गदर्शन प्रदान गर्नेछ। यसले आगामी दिनमा नीति निर्माता, विद्वान, विद्यार्थी र सरोकारवालाका लागि एक प्रेरणादायी दस्तावेजको रूपमा काम गर्नेछ।

यस पुस्तक मार्फत विभिन्न लेखकहरू र सम्पादकहरूले महत्त्वपूर्ण योगदान गरेका छन्। उनीहरूको मेहेनत पुस्तकमा झल्किएको छ। यसमा अस्ट्रिेलियाली सरकार र द एशिया फाउन्डेशनले सघाएको छ। यस्तो महत्त्वपूर्ण कार्यमा जोडिएका सबै धन्यवादका पात्र बनेका छन्।

समग्रमा संघीयता, शक्तिको हस्तान्तरण र समावेशी लोकतन्त्र जस्ता महत्त्वपूर्ण विषयमा आधारित भएर पुस्तक तयार भएको छ। यो पुस्तक केवल ज्ञानको सङ्कलन मात्र नभई हाम्रो लोकतन्त्रको विकास र संघीयताको सुदृढीकरणमा महत्त्वपूर्ण योगदान पुर्‍याउनेछ। यसले संघीयता र समावेशी लोकतन्त्रको विषयमा हाम्रो समझलाई गहिरो बनाउनेछ र नेपालको संघीय शासन प्रणालीलाई अझ बलियो बनाउन योगदान दिनेछ।

(काठमाडौं विश्वविद्यालयका उपकुलपति थापाले ‘फेडेरालिज्म, डेम्भलेपमेन्ट अफ पावर एन्ड इन्क्लुसिभ डेमोक्रेसी नेपाल्स कन्स्टिच्युशनल कन्टेक्स’ पुस्तक विमोचन समारोहमा राखेको विचारको सम्पादित अंश। पुस्तक प्रा.डा. विपिन अधिकारीले सम्पादन गरेका हुन्। )

शनिबार, असोज ५, २०८१ १४:०७ मा प्रकाशित
https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/142955

संघीयता, शक्तिको हस्तान्तरण र समावेशी लोकतन्त्रबारे पुस्तक सार्वजनिक

आश्विन ५, २०८१

कान्तिपुर संवाददाता

संघीयता, शक्तिको हस्तान्तरण र समावेशी लोकतन्त्रबारे पुस्तक सार्वजनिक

विश्वावद्यालयले अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलनले आयाेजना गरेकाे नेपालमा संघीयताका विभिन्न आयामहरुमाथि राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय व्यक्तिहरुबीच बृहत्तर छलफल गरी पुस्तक प्रकाशित गरेको छ । पुस्तकले विभिन्न विचारहरू, विश्लेषणहरू तथा अनुभवहरूको अध्ययन समावेश गरेको छ ।

नेपालमा संघीय प्रणालीलाई सुदृढ बनाउन र समावेशी लोकतन्त्रको अवधारणालाई कसरी व्यवहारमा लागू गर्न सकिनेबारे पुस्तकमा विज्ञको धारणा छ । संघीय शासनलाई अझ समावेशी र जनमुखी बनाउन संघीयतासँग सम्बन्धित चुनौती, अवसर तथा यसका व्यवहारिक पक्षहरुका बारेमा अझै धेरै बहस हुनुपर्ने र यो पुस्तकले सोही दिशातर्फ एउटा कदम अघि बढाउने प्रयत्न गरेको छ ।

‘संघीयता, केवल संघ, प्रदेश तथा स्थानीय तह बीचको शक्तिको बाँडफाँडमात्र होइन । यो स्थानीय समुदायहरूलाई सशक्त बनाउन, उनीहरूको आवाजलाई प्राथमिकतामा राख्न र सरकारलाई नागरिकहरूका प्रति जवाफदेही हुन सहयोग पुर्‍याउनु पर्छ,’ पुस्तक सार्वजनिक गर्दै प्राध्यापक भोला थापाले भने, ‘यसका साथै वित्तीय संघीयताको विषय पनि नेपालको लागि महत्वपूर्ण विषय हो । यस्ता विषयहरुलाई यो पुस्तकले एक सुत्रमा बाँधेको छ ।’

उनले पुस्तकमा समावेश गरिएको समावेशी लोकतन्त्रको अवधारणा विशेष महत्व रहेको उल्लेख गर्दै समावेशी लोकतन्त्रलाई राजनीतिक प्रतिनिधित्वमा मात्र सीमित बनाउनु नहुने बताए । ‘यो समाजको हरेक क्षेत्रका मानिसहरूको सहभागिता सुनिश्चित गर्ने मार्ग हो,’ थापाको भनाइ थियो ।

संघीयताका विभिन्न आयामबारे काठमाडौँ विश्वविद्यालयले ल्यायो पुस्तक

काठमाडौँ विश्वविद्यालयको स्कुल अफ लले संघीयताका विभिन्न आयामका बारेमा पुस्तक प्रकाशित गरेको छ।

‘संघीयता, शक्तिको निक्षेपीकरण र समावेशी लोकतन्त्र’ शीर्षकको यस पुस्तकमा विभिन्न विज्ञका विचार तथा लेख समावेश गरिएको छ।

संविधानविद् डा विपिन अधिकारीले सम्पादन गरेको पुस्तकमा नेपाल, भारत र अन्य मुलुकका १७ जना विज्ञका कार्यपत्र संग्रहित छन्।

गत वर्षको मंसिरमा संघीयताका विभिन्न आयामहरूमाथि राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय व्यक्तित्वहरू सहभागी सम्मेलन गरिएको थियो। सोही सम्मेलनमा प्रस्तुत विषयवस्तुमा आधारित रही संघीयता, शक्तिको हस्तान्तरण र समावेशी लोकतन्त्रको विषय समेटेर पहिलो भागका रूपमा पुस्तक प्रकाशित गरिएको हो।

राजधानीमा गरिएको एक कार्यक्रममा विश्वविद्यालयका उपकुलपति प्रा भोला थापाले पुस्तकको विमोचन गर्दै यो पुस्तक केवल ज्ञानको संकलन मात्र नभई यसले हाम्रो लोकतन्त्रको विकास र संघीयताको सुदृढीकरणमा महत्त्वपूर्ण योगदान पुर्‍याउने विश्वास व्यक्त गरे।

‘यस पुस्तकले विभिन्न विचारहरू, विश्लेषणहरू तथा अनुभवहरूको गहिरो अध्ययन समावेश गरेको छ,’ उपकुलपति प्रा थापाले भने, ‘नेपालमा संघीय प्रणालीलाई कसरी सुदृढ बनाउन सकिन्छ र समावेशी लोकतन्त्रको अवधारणालाई कसरी व्यवहारमा लागू गर्न सक्छौं भन्ने महत्त्वपूर्ण छलफलहरू यस पुस्तकभित्र समेटिएको छ।’

नेपालले संघीय शासन प्रणालीलाई अंगीकार गरेको छोटो समय भए पनि यसको प्रभावकारी कार्यान्वयनका लागि विभिन्न क्षेत्रका विशेषज्ञ, विद्वान र सरोकारवालाहरूको गहन योगदानको आवश्यकता पनि उनले औँल्याए।

संघीय शासनलाई अझ समावेशी र जनमुखी बनाउन संघीयतासँग सम्बन्धित चुनौती, अवसर तथा यसका व्यावहारिक पक्षहरूका बारेमा अझै धेरै गहिराइमा बहसहरू हुनुपर्ने उनको भनाइ थियो।

‘सम्मेलन र त्यसको उत्पादनका रुपमा यस पुस्तकले सोही दिशातर्फ एउटा कदम अघि बढाउने प्रयत्न गरेको छ,’ प्रा थापाले भने, ‘संघीयता, केवल संघ, प्रदेश तथा स्थानीय तहबीचको शक्तिको बाँडफाँट मात्र होइन। यो स्थानीय समुदायहरूलाई सशक्त बनाउन, उनीहरूको आवाजलाई प्राथमिकतामा राख्न र सरकारलाई नागरिकप्रति जवाफदेही हुन सहयोग पुर्‍याउनुपर्छ । यसका साथै वित्तीय संघीयताको विषय पनि नेपालको लागि महत्त्वपूर्ण विषय हो। यस्ता विषयहरुलाई यो पुस्तकले एक सूत्रमा बाँधेको छ।’

प्रकाशित: असोज ६, २०८१ आइतबार २०:२३

https://nepalkhabar.com/literature/213783-2024-9-22-20-23-20

नेपालको संघीयतालाई अष्ट्रेलियाका अनुभव काम लाग्न सक्छन्

रबर्ट फ्रेन्च– पूर्व प्रधानन्यायाधीश, अष्ट्रेलिया

बिहीबार, मंसिर २१, २०८०

नेपालको संघीयतालाई अष्ट्रेलियाका अनुभव काम लाग्न सक्छन्

संविधान सभाले नेपालको संविधान २०७२ जारी गरेपश्चात् एक संघीय, सात प्रदेश र ७५३ स्थानीय सरकार गरी ७६१ सरकारसहित संघीय शासन व्यवस्थाको अभ्यासमा हामी छौं । संघीयता जारी भएसँगै नेपालमा संघीय शासन असफल भइसक्यो भनी दाबी गर्ने विरोधका स्वरहरू पनि प्रशस्त सुनिन्छन् ।

नेपाल तथा एसियामा संघीयता, शक्ति बाँडफाँट तथा समावेशी लोकतन्त्रका विषयमा छलफल गर्न काठमाडौं विश्व विद्यालयको कानुन संकायले हालै एक अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलन आयोजना गरेको थियो ।

उक्त सम्मेलनमा भाग लिन अष्ट्रेलियाका पूर्व प्रधानन्यायाधीश रबर्ट सेन्टन फ्रेन्च काठमाडौं आएका थिए । फ्रेन्च अष्ट्रेलियाको कानुनी क्षेत्रमा चिरपरिचित नाम हुन् । ७६ वर्षीय रबर्ट फ्रेन्च सन् २००८ देखि २०१७ सम्म अष्ट्रेलियाको हाईकोर्टका प्रधानन्यायाधीश थिए ।

त्यसअघि पनि उनले अष्ट्रेलियाको संघीय अदालतका विभिन्न पदमा रहेर काम गरेका थिए । ६ वटा प्रदेश मिलेर बनेको अष्ट्रेलियामा संघीय अदालतभन्दा माथि सर्वोच्च अदालतको रुपमा हाईकोर्ट रहन्छ ।

फ्रेन्चले आफ्नो नेपाल भ्रमणका क्रममा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलनमा भाग लिनुका अतिरिक्त विभिन्न व्यक्तिहरूसँग भेटघाट र सर्वोच्च अदालतको भ्रमणसमेत गरेका थिए ।

प्रस्तुत छ, रबर्ट फ्रेन्चसँग नेपालको संघीयता र नेपालले अष्ट्रेलियासँग कुन–कुन क्षेत्रमा कस्तो अनुभव साट्न सक्छ भन्ने विषयमा बाह्रखरीका प्रधान सम्पादक प्रतीक प्रधान तथा समाचार सम्पादक बलराम पाण्डेले गरेको कुराकानीको सम्पादित अंश–

– तपाईं अष्ट्रेलियाको वैधानिक र कानुनी क्षेत्रमा लामो अनुभव भएको पूर्व प्रधानन्यायाधीश हुनुहुन्छ, नेपालको संघीयतालाई कसरी हेर्नुभएको छ ?

नेपालले पनि अष्ट्रेलिया जस्तै संघीयता अङ्गालेको छ तर नेपालको संविधान धेरै लामो र जटिल छ । हाम्रो देशको संविधानमा जम्मा १२८ धारा छन्, तर यहाँको संविधानमा ३०८ धारा छन् । नेपालको संविधानमा धेरै त्यस्ता कुराहरू समाहित गरिएको छ, जुन अष्ट्रेलियाको संविधानमा छैन ।

हाम्रो संविधान अलि पुरानो भएकाले पनि यो भएको हुन सक्छ । अष्ट्रेलियाको संविधान सन् १९०१ मा जारी भएको र यसको इतिहास तथा सामाजिक परिवेश फरक भएकाले नेपालको संविधान भन्दा केही फरक छ ।

नेपालको आफ्नै इतिहास, संस्कृति र चाल–चलन छन्, त्यसको प्रभाव संविधान निर्माणमा परेको हुन्छ । त्यसैले नेपालको संविधानको विषयमा सहजै टिप्पणी गर्नु हुँदैन र गर्न सकिँदैन पनि ।

त्यति भन्दै गर्दा, म के भन्न सक्छु भने नेपालको संविधान अत्यन्त खँदिलो र बृहत् छ । अष्ट्रेलियाको संविधानले तीन तहको सरकारको परिकल्पना गर्दैन्, जुन नेपालमा गरिएको छ । हाम्रो देशमा संघीय सरकार तथा प्रदेश सरकारमात्र छन् । स्थानीय निकाय प्रदेश संसदले निर्माण गर्छ र विघटन पनि गर्न सक्छ, जुन यहाँभन्दा अलि फरक छ ।

नेपालको संविधानको सबैभन्दा मनन्योग्य खण्ड भाग–२० हो । यो भागले संघ, प्रदेश र स्थानीय सरकारले आपसमा मिलेर सरकार चलाउने कुरा स्पष्ट रुपमा भनेको छ । हाम्रो संविधानमा ठ्याक्कै यस्तो व्यवस्था नभएता पनि आपसी सहयोगबिना देश चल्दैन ।

संघीयतामा जहिल्यै पनि एक आपसमा जेलिएका अधिकार हुन्छन्, जुन तथ्यलाई नेपालको संविधानले मनन् गरेको देखिन्छ । साथै नेपालको संविधानले आपसी सहयोगको प्रत्याभूतिका लागि अन्तर प्रदेश परिषद् पनि निर्माण गरेको छ, जसले विभिन्न तहका सरकारहरूका बीच संयोजन गर्न सहयोग पुर्‍याउँछन् ।

प्रदेश तहको सरकारलाई आफूले बजेट नपाएको, संविधानले दिए अनुरुपको शक्ति प्राप्त नगरेको आदि गुनासो देखिएको थाहा पाएँ । यस्तो प्रकारका विवाद विभिन्न तहका सरकारकाबीच हुनु आफैँमा गलत होइन, यस्तै समस्या समाधानका गर्न सहकार्य र सौहार्दता चाहिने हो ।

अष्ट्रेलियाजस्तो १२२ वर्ष पुरानो संघमा त यस्ता समस्या उठिरहन्छन् भने यहाँ यस्ता कुरा उठ्नु गलत होइन । त्यहाँ पनि बजेटको कुरा सधैँ उठिरहन्छ किनभने संघीय सरकारले सबैभन्दा धेरै कर उठाउँछ, तर त्यो करको वितरणमा मुद्दा उठिरहन्छन् ।

–यस्तो अवस्थामा संघीय संविधानलाई सफल कसरी बनाउन सकिन्छ ?

कुनै पनि संविधान आफैँमा राम्रो वा नराम्रो भन्दा पनि त्यो संविधानलाई परिचालन गर्ने शक्तिहरू कस्ता छन् भन्ने महत्वपूर्ण हुन्छ । सरकारमा बसेकाहरूले देशको हितलाई मध्यनजर गर्दै निर्णयहरू लिए भने विवाद आफै मत्थर भएर जान्छ अनि संविधान सशक्त बन्दै जान्छ ।

भारतका प्रख्यात संविधानविद् डा. अम्बेडकरले भनेका छन्, ‘संविधान जति नै राम्रो भए पनि संविधान लागू गर्ने खराब मान्छेले त्यसलाई नराम्रो बनाउँछन् भने संविधान नराम्रै भए पनि सही मान्छेले त्यसलाई सकारात्मक बनाउँछन् ।’ यस भनाईले पनि प्रष्ट पारेको छ कि संविधान कार्यान्वयन गर्नेहरू देशभक्त भए, बृहत्तर जनताको हित गर्ने भए भने संविधान आफैँ सफल हुन्छ ।

– संविधान सफलताको कुराबाट अब संविधान निर्माणको कुरा गरौं । भनिन्छ, धेरै स–साना राज्यहरू मिलेर एउटा संघीय राज्यको निर्माण हुन्छ । अमेरिकादेखि अष्ट्रेलिया र भारतसम्म त्यस्तै उदाहरण हुन् । तर, नेपाल चाहिँ एकात्मकबाट संघीय देश बन्न गयो । यसलाई कसरी हेर्नुहुन्छ ?

साँच्चै भन्नुपर्दा एकात्मकबाट संघात्मक राज्य व्यवस्थामा जाने तरिका र यसका गुण र दोषको विषयमा म विज्ञ होइन । अष्ट्रेलिया विभिन्न बेलायती उपनिवेशहरू एक आपसमा मिलेर एक संघीय राष्ट्र बनेको हो । तर, एकात्मकबाट संघात्मक हुनै सक्दैन, हुनु हुँदैन भन्ने कुनै राजनीतिक सिद्धान्त छैन ।

कतिपय अवस्थामा विभिन्न जातिय समूहहरूको बेग्ला बेग्लै स्वार्थ भएको अवस्थामा पनि संघीयतामा जानुपर्ने हुन्छ ।

यस्तो अवस्थामा जातीय संघको निर्माण हुनसक्छ । एक प्रकारका व्यक्तिहरूको बसोबास भएको क्षेत्रलाई एउटा संघको रुपमा विभाजित गर्न सकिन्छ । तर, नेपाल बहुजातीय र बहुभाषिक भएको कारणले होला जातीय रुपमा संघहरू बनाइएको देखिँदैन ।

त्यसैले संघीय राष्ट्र हुनु ठीक हो कि होइन भन्ने विषयमा मेरो ठोस राय छैन । हुनु हुँदैन भन्ने पनि होइन । तर संघीयताबाट कुनै पनि समस्या उब्जने अवस्था आउँदा सशक्त र स्पष्ट राजनीतिक अठोट चाहिन्छ । विभिन्न तहको सरकारमा परिआएको अवस्थामा त्यो राजनीतिक अठोट ल्याउनसक्ने क्षमता छ वा छैन भन्ने प्रश्न चै रहन्छ ।

– नेपालको संविधान केवल आठ वर्ष पुरानो छ । यो संविधानले नेपालमा धेरै परिवर्तन ल्यायो । संघीयता, समावेशिता, गणतन्त्र, धर्म निरपेक्षता जस्ता महत्वपूर्ण कुराहरूको सुरुवात भयो । तर, फेरी नेपाल एक गरिब मुलुक हो र राजनीतिशास्त्रले गरिब मुलुकमा लोकतन्त्र लामो चल्दैन भन्छ । यस्तो अवस्थामा नेपालको राजनीतिक भविष्य कस्तो होला ?

अहिलेको अवस्था हेर्दा नेपालको संविधान असफल हुन्छ जस्तो लाग्दैन । संघीयतासम्बन्धी नेपालमा आयोजना भएको गोष्ठीका आधारमा यो संविधान विकास क्रमको निकै महत्वपूर्ण मोडमा पुगेको छ भन्ने मैले बुझेको छु ।

सायद, अहिलेको समय भनेको यो संविधानको इतिहासमा एउटा महत्वपूर्ण मोडको रुपमा रहनेछ । यो संविधानको विषयमा धेरै भावुकता देखिएको छ ।

संविधानका विषयमा जस्ता प्रकारले छलफलहरू चलेका छन् त्यो आधारमा म के भन्न सक्छु भने नेपालका संविधानविद्हरू अत्यन्त विद्वान र अहिले देखिएका समस्याका समाधान पहिल्याउन सक्ने छन् । संविधान सफल बनाउन सम्भ्रान्त नेतृत्वले मात्र पुग्दैन, यसका लागि राजनीतिक, लोकप्रिय तथा जनताको मन जितेको नेता पनि हुनुपर्छ ।

संविधान सफल बनाउने अर्को मुख्य भूमिका संवैधानिक अदालतको पनि हुन्छ । संवैधानिक अदालतले विभिन्न तहको सरकारहरूका सिमाना के हुन् भन्ने एउटा खाका बनाइदिनुपर्छ ।

नयाँ संविधानलाई सफल बनाउन सबैको भूमिका र सीमा देखाइदिनुपर्छ । अष्ट्रेलियाको १२२ वर्ष पुरानो संघीय पद्धतिमा समेत अहिले पनि हाईकोर्ट (जसको म प्रधानन्यायाधीश पनि भएँ) ले अधिकारको सीमितता बताइदिनुपर्ने हुन्छ ।

एक विश्व प्रसिद्ध संविधानविद्ले भनेका छन्, ‘संघीयता भनेको विधिवाद हो ।’

यसको मतलब यदि विभिन्न तहका सरकारले आफ्नो अधिकारको सीमा नाघ्न थाले भने कुनै न कुनै प्रकारको राजनीतिक समाधानमा पुग्नैपर्ने हुन्छ । यदि कुनै समाधानमा पुग्न सकिएन भने त्यसको अन्तिम निर्णायक अदालत नै हुन्छ ।

अदालतले संविधान र कानुनको आधारमा सबैको अधिकार क्षेत्र तोकिदिन्छ र सबैले त्यसको सम्मान गर्नैपर्ने हुन्छ । त्यसैले अदालतबाट समस्याको निक्र्यौल आउन केही समय लाग्ला, तर यस्ता विवादको अन्तिम टुंगो अदालतले नै दिन्छ र अधिकारको सिमा कोरिदिन्छ ।

–अष्ट्रेलियाले नेपालको संवैधानिक विकासको बाटोमा कसरी मद्दत गर्न सक्छ ?

नेपालको संघीय, प्रादेशिक र स्थानीय सरकारहरूले एक आपसको समझदारी कसरी बढाउने भन्ने विषयमा केही उदाहरण अष्ट्रेलियाको अपनाउन सक्छ । जस्तो, अष्ट्रेलियाले आपसी समझदारी बढाउने केही तरिका विकास गरेको छ ।

कतिपय अवस्थामा के हुन्छ भने तिनै तहको सरकार वा कुनै दुई तहको सरकारका बीच कुनै विषयमा कानुन बनाउने अधिकार खप्टिएको हुन सक्छ । तर, अधिकारको सीमाले गर्दा कुनै एउटाले बनाएको कानुन पूर्णतः प्रभावकारी नहुन पनि सक्छ ।

उदाहरणका लागि अष्ट्रेलियामा सबै प्रदेशमा कम्पनी नियमनका लागि कानुन छन् ।

तर, सबैमा फरक–फरक भयो भने व्यवसायीलाई अप्ठेरो पर्छ । यस्तो अवस्थामा संघीय सरकारले प्रदेश अनुरुपकै संघीय कानुन बनायो भने सबै प्रदेशमा व्यवसाय गर्नेलाई कानुनमा एकरुपता हुन्छ । यसलाई हामी छाया कानुन (मिरर लेजिलेशन) भन्छौं ।

त्यस्तै, उर्जा कानुनको विषयमा पनि एउटा उदाहरण उल्लेख गर्न चाहन्छु । ऊर्जा नेपालका लागि पनि महत्वपूर्ण भएको हुनाले अष्ट्रेलियाको अनुभव काम लाग्न सक्छ । जस्तो, अष्ट्रेलियाको दक्षिण प्रदेशले राष्ट्रिय ऊर्जा संहिता जारी गर्‍यो भने अन्य प्रदेशले त्यही कानुनलाई आफ्नो प्रदेशमा पनि लागू गर्ने वा अपनाउने निर्णय गर्न सक्छन् ।

यसलाई ‘एक्टिभेसन वा एडप्सन’ कानुन भनिन्छ । यसो गर्दा देशभरि कानुनी दुविधा हुँदैन । अनि संघीय सरकारले यही कानुनको आधारमा रही आफ्नो अधिकार क्षेत्रको घोषणा गर्दछ ।

यसो गर्दा देशभरीका लागि एउटै नियमनकारी संस्थाको गठन हुनसक्छ जसले उर्जा क्षेत्रमा प्रदेश र संघ दुवैको अधिकार प्रयोग गरेर उर्जा क्षेत्रको विकासमा कार्य गर्न सक्छ । यो तरिका निकै जटिल हुनसक्छ तर निकै प्रगतिशील पनि हुन्छ ।

अष्ट्रेलियाको संविधान अनुसार सहकार्यको अर्को तरिका पनि छ । मलाई थाहा छैन त्यो प्रावधान नेपालको संविधानले मान्छ कि मान्दैन । यो तेस्रो तरिका अनुसार कुनै पनि प्रदेशले कुनै क्षेत्रमा आफूले पाएको अनपेक्ष अधिकार संघीय सरकारलाई सुम्पन सक्दछ ।

त्यस्तो अधिकार पाएको अवस्थामा संघले प्रदेशका लागि पनि लागू हुनेगरी कानुन बनाउँछ र समय अनुसार संशोधन पनि गर्दछ । यस्तो कानुन संशोधन गर्दा पनि प्रदेशको अनुमति लिइरहनु पर्दैन । तर, यस्तो अधिकार सुम्पनुअघि संघीय र प्रान्तीय सरकारका सम्बद्ध मन्त्रीहरूको आयोग बनेर त्यसमा यथेष्ट छलफल भने हुन्छ ।

–अब अलिकति अदालती काम कारबाहीको विषयमा जाऔं । नेपालमा कहिलेकाहीँ अदालत जुनसुकै कुरामा पनि आदेश दिंदै गएको जस्तो देखिन्छ । कहिलेकाहीँ आदेश दिनैपर्ने विषयमा पनि राजनीतिक धार हेरेजस्तो गरिदिन्छ । अष्ट्रेलियाजस्तो स्थापित न्यायालयको देशमा के हुन्छ ?

नेपालका अदालतले कस्तो प्रकारका निर्णय दिन्छन् भन्ने विषयमा म जानकार छुईन र यस विषयमा टिप्पणी गर्नु पनि सही होइन । तर, यहाँले भन्नुभएको जस्तो अवस्था अष्ट्रेलियामा पनि बेला बेलामा देखिन्छ ।

कतिपय हाई कोर्टका निर्णयको राजनीतिक असर हुन्छ र त्यस्ता निर्णयले सरकारलाई अप्ठेरो अवस्थामा पनि पार्दछन् । कहिलेकाहीँ सांसद वा सरकारका प्रतिनिधिहरूले अदालतका निर्णयको खुलेरै विरोध गरेर अदालतका निर्णयमा तिखा प्रश्न पनि गर्छन् ।

तर, लोकतान्त्रिक व्यवस्थामा यस्ता प्रकारका घटनालाई स्वभाविक मान्नु पर्दछ । तथापि, प्रधानमन्त्री, मन्त्री र विधायकहरूले अदालतका निर्णयलाई मान्यता दिनुपर्छ र त्यसको कार्यान्वयन गर्नपनि आनाकानी गर्नु हुँदैन ।

कहिलेकाहीँ अदालतको निर्णय गलत आयो भन्ने लाग्दा पनि यदि अदालतको निर्णयको इज्जत भयो भने लोकतन्त्र अघि बढ्छ । तर, अष्ट्रेलियामा सरकार र अदालतबीचको द्वन्द्व धेरै देखिँदैन, कहिलेकाहीँ भने यस्ता विवाद सतहमा आउँछन् ।

–अन्त्यमा, नेपालको विषयमा केही टिप्पणी या अनुभूति केही छ कि ?

म नेपाल पहिलोपल्ट आएको हुँ । यहाँको सर्वोच्च अदालतको निरीक्षण गर्न पाएँ । पहिले पनि यहाँका न्यायाधीशहरू अष्ट्रेलिया भ्रमण गर्दा बेला बेलामा भेट भएको थियो । नेपालको विषयमा भने मेरो कान्छो छोराको कारण मलाई अलि बढी रुचि बढेको थियो ।

यहाँ २०७२ सालको भूकम्प आउँदा मेरो छोरा सहयोगका लागि आएको थियो । त्यसबेला नेपाली परिवारको घरमै पाँच महिना बसेर उसले सहयोग गरेको थियो । उसको नेपालप्रतिको मायाका कारणले पनि म नेपाल भ्रमण गर्न र नेपालीलाई नजिकबाट चिन्न निकै उत्सुक थिएँ । मेरो यो भ्रमणले मलाई केही हदसम्म नेपाललाई चिन्न सहयोग गरेको छ ।

तस्बिर– सुनील प्रधान

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Cooperative federalism in Nepal and Australia

Constituent governments must cooperate to ensure the constitution’s effectiveness in dealing with national issues.

Robert French AC Published at : November 28, 2023 Updated at : November 28, 2023

Cooperative federalism describes an attribute of a federation in which its governments engage in cooperative action to achieve common objectives. Australia and Nepal have federal constitutions with different histories, societal contexts and provisions. A common feature of all federal constitutions, including Australia and Nepal, is the cooperation in the division of power between components of the federation when a national approach is necessary in areas of public policy.

The Australian constitution does not spell out mechanisms for cooperation. The Constitution of Nepal expresses this provision in Article 51, for managing relations between federal, provincial and local level governments. The inclusion of cooperative mechanisms sends a clear message to those entrusted with government at the federal, provincial and local levels. However, cooperative federalism’s success or failure depends upon the vision, good faith and ability to put the nation’s interests above political interests.

People seeking to advance cooperative federalism must work with the constitutional text. They do not have the luxury of amending it whenever a problem arises. Moreover, constitutions are not easy to amend. This difficulty is a built-in protection for the stability of the legal framework within which law-making power, executive power and judicial power are exercised. Amendment cannot be made to the Constitution of Nepal “in [a] manner to be prejudicial to sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence of Nepal and sovereignty vested in the people.” There are fundamental, albeit not well-defined, limits on the power of amendment. Amendment to provincial borders or the list of provincial powers set in Schedule 6 of the constitution requires the consent of provincial assemblies. If most of them provide a notice of rejection of such a Bill to the relevant House of the federal parliament within three months, it will become inoperative. Bills not requiring the consent of provincial assemblies need at least a two-thirds majority of the total number of the then members of both houses of the federal parliament.

On paper and in light of experience, it is harder to amend the Australian constitution. For any proposed Bill to be passed, it must pass through Parliament and be submitted to a popular referendum. It requires a majority of electors voting in a majority of the federation states before the amendment can occur. Australia has had 49 referendums and only seven have succeeded.

Given the challenges in amendments, constituent governments must cooperate in the national interest, ensuring constitutions’ effectiveness in dealing with national issues that engage the powers and responsibilities of federations’ components.

Nepal and Australia

The Constitution of Nepal expresses focus on cooperative federalism. Part 20 of the Constitution of Nepal is dedicated to inter-relations between the federation, the provinces and local levels. Article 232 states that the relations between the federation, provinces and local levels shall be based on the principles of cooperation, co-existence and coordination. Article 233, which deals with relations between provinces, provides mutual assistance in executing laws or judicial and administrative decisions. This may be roughly equivalent to Schedule 118 of the Australian Constitution: Full faith and credit shall be given throughout the Commonwealth to the laws, the public Acts and records and the judicial proceedings of every state. Article 233(3) provides that a province shall, in accordance with its provincial law, provide equal security, treatment and facility to residents of another province.

Article 233 of Nepal’s constitution, however, makes an additional provision not expressly covered in the Australian constitution, which authorises provinces to exchange information and consult with each other on common concerns and interests, coordinate their activities and laws and extend mutual assistance. Article 234 finds no equivalent in the Australian Constitution, which deals with establishing an Inter-Province Council to settle political disputes between the federation and a province and between provinces. The Article does not say how Inter-Province Councils will settle political disputes.

Mechanisms used to effect cooperative federalism in Australia come from the general legislative and executive powers of the Commonwealth and the states. One such provision is the power of the Commonwealth Parliament under Schedule 51(xxxvii) to make laws on matters referred by the Parliament or Parliaments of any state or states. This is done to extend the law only to states by whose Parliaments the matter is referred to or which afterwards adopt the law.

This mechanism can be used to give the Commonwealth Parliament law-making power on matters not expressly set out in the constitution. A state parliament may make a law referring to the Commonwealth’s law-making power on a specific matter. An example is an agreement between state and federal governments about the states referring to the federal government a draft Bill for a law that the federal parliament may enact as a law of the Commonwealth. It may be a condition of the referral that there be no amendment to the referred law except with the referring state’s agreement. Another mechanism is the making of conditional grants by the Commonwealth Government to the States. This is provided for by Schedule 96

Centralising effect

There are caveats attached to cooperative federalism, designed to serve objectives beyond those achievable by exercising central legislative power and the separate exercise of powers by states or provinces. However, it may centralise power despite the inter-governmental agreements and supervisory arrangements in its implementation. Every topic treated, even by agreement, as requiring cooperative action becomes a topic best dealt with nationally. Once a topic is accorded national significance, it becomes difficult for participating governments to withdraw from the arrangements and allow fragmentation to be substituted for a unified approach. Cooperative arrangements based on inter-governmental agreements and ministerial councils also raise questions about the accountability of the executive governments to their Parliaments and the precise location of responsibility for the administration of the schemes.

Cooperative federalism is a means to an end—the exercise of legislative and administrative powers to achieve better national laws and practices than would be achieved if all governments simply went their own way under the constitution. It is important to prioritise where cooperative mechanisms should be established and implemented. There are many competing priorities in this area for Nepal, and a desire to explore the ways in which they may best be defined and addressed.

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Inclusive democracy, constitution and federalism in Nepal’s context

Federalism is not a system which imposes multiple shackles, rather it is a system of self-rule and shared rule. But there are teething problems on both of these scores.

Dr Ananda Mohan Bhattarai – 27 November, 2023 @NepalLiveToday Read Time 5 min

Let me stress at the outset that inclusion is the signature tone of the Nepali Constitution, it is the constitutional roadmap designed by our framers in the Constituent Assembly. Principally, inclusive democracy is a multi-dimensional concept. It is informed by the experiences of the 1990s and the first decade of the current millennium. Takis Fotopoulos likes to call inclusive democracy a “liberatory project”. It is too early, especially in the context of Nepal to say conclusively whether it is a liberatory project or turns out to be yet another experiment that may end in failure, ultimately a flapping of the constitutional wings in vain. This said, the impressive part of inclusive democracy are its theoretical underpinnings and their political, social, economic, cultural and ecological implications.

From a political perspective, inclusive state rejects the capture of state power by a handful of social elites who secure more votes in periodic elections. In that sense, it does not accept the electoral winner taking everything, and the losers losing perennially; nor does it accept equality and non-discrimination being construed only as an act of going to the polling booth and casting votes. We have tried to introduce inclusive democracy in the political process by incorporating proportional representation and inclusion in vital institutions of the state. Economically, inclusive democracy despises the concentration of economic power in a few hands. Instead it encourages the promotion of bottom up economic processes. Social dimension of inclusive democracy is also equally relevant in the context of Nepal as we are yet to be completely out of the evil practices such as untouchability, and ensure social justice, promote cultural diversity, and mainstream the economically backward and marginalized section. Environmentally, inclusive democracy does not allow the state to remain oblivious to the environmental challenges and climatic devastation for short term economic interest and benefits or for the advantage of a specific group of people, especially when it comes at the expense of environmental damage and public health. Rejecting the archaic notion of parens patrae inclusive democracy calls the state to act as trustee of nature and work for realizing “ecologically sustainable development” that our constitution advocates.

After presenting my thoughts on inclusive democracy let me turn to federalism. From a federal perspective, the constitution is a document that accommodates interest and aspiration of the people of various manifestations and orientations. It is done in the spirit of coexistence and cooperation with an aim to bring about transformative change and prosperity. Nepali Constitution clearly states that the relations between the Federation, States, and Local level shall be based on the principles of cooperation, co-existence and coordination. The practical manifestation of these principles in the functioning of the state is a pertinent point of inquiry. There seems to be some problems in building cooperation or accepting co-existence or reinforcing coordination. Problems have cropped up in several areas such as adjustment of public officials including judges, the enactment of necessary laws, division of financial resources, inter—state trade and in settling political disputes through meetings of inter-state councils. Constitutional and legal disputes have arisen both in horizontal and vertical relations among organs of the state, and also regarding the role played by different office holders. Take, for example, the relation between the executive and the legislature. The Supreme Court had to grapple with the issue of dissolution of parliament twice in the same year. We found that on both occasions dissolution of the Parliament was made without the Speaker being consulted. Now again, cases were filed at the Supreme Court regarding the formation of government in one of the provinces where the role played by the governor and the speaker are put into question. Disputes have also arisen in areas such as promulgation and authentication of Bills, grant of amnesties and reduction of sentences.

Regarding vertical relations among federal units, disputes have been brought to the Supreme Court on a number of issues such as determination of boundaries between local bodies, or fixing and shifting of the headquarters of the districts etc. Disputes have also arisen due to the overlapping of annexes that vests legislative power to different federal units in a number of areas such as levying tax on natural resources, establishment and running of schools, utilization of water resources, or protection of forest, land and water resources, environmental and climate change concerns and operation of institutions such as water users groups, or community forest users groups etc. Some of these issues are quite serious requiring immediate intervention through interim orders.

Federalism is not a system which imposes multiple shackles, rather it is a system of self-rule and shared rule. Apparently, there are teething problems on both of these scores. Hopefully, many of the disputes that I raised earlier will be resolved and the judiciary will be able to iron out Niti on inclusive democracy and work on Nyaya and make meaningful contributions in shaping democratic ideals that the constitution has embodied.

Finally, since we are discussing the constitution, let me share my thoughts about the Constitution itself.

There are several reasons for the people attaching so much importance to the constitution. First, the constitution is important because of its normative values, and for embodying rights. The constitution is important because it not only embodies rights but also because it prescribes mechanisms for their enforcement. As Hamilton said “The Constitution itself is to all intent and purposes- a bill of rights”. Secondly, the constitution is important because of its democratic credentials. If the constitution, or our actions under the constitution, does not resonate to democratic ideals that it espouses, it ultimately turns out to be a façade for governance. Third, the constitution is important because it lays down national goals and future direction of the country. Even though there are views which consider the constitution as a colorless document, a more prevalent method is to treat it as a document of socio-economic transformation. Fourth, the constitution is important because of the discursive space given to the community as a collective and to civil society organization in policy formulation and implementation. Finally, some even like to take it to the extreme and term the constitution as a “scripture”. I would not like to go to that extreme and instead emphasize on the need to adopt flexibility. However, even if one takes the constitution as scripture, this scripture should nurture the institution we call democracy or rather inclusive democracy. Institutions to my mind are not abstract entities. They are beings which should give fuel to society for sustenance and prosperity and help in navigating the transformative potential of the constitution.

I end by quoting Granville Austin who said “It seems that human beings construct temples called democracies, but then pay insufficient attention to those who become the clergy.” Time has come for all of us to reject and say goodbye to the clergy who rather than caring for the temple contributes to its corrosion by indulging in self-serving projects.

[The article is an abridged version of the remarks delivered by Dr Ananda Mohan Bhattarai at the International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia Organized by Kathmandu University on November 22 in Kathmandu. He is the justice at Supreme Court of Nepal.]

Inclusive democracy, constitution and federalism in Nepal’s context

International conference on federalism: Takeaways for Nepal

Federalism should be a tool for creating inclusive policies around the nation and not just an end to itself.

Simone Galimberti – 24 November, 2023 @NepalLiveToday Read Time 5 min.

If there is one issue that is now at the center of the political discourse it is federalism. I participated at a major conference on the topic organized by the Kathmandu University’s School of Law in partnership with the Asia Foundation. I left the event with a certainty, a hope but also a mixed feeling.

Let’s start with the former. Throughout the two-day International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia, an event supported by the Australian government, I realized that the love for federalism among Nepali is still intact. I am talking about “love” for a simple reason and it is not an exaggeration.

To embrace a radical change like the one embarked by the country, you really have to love it because federalism is a very complex thing. It is a headache actually but this is what all the great loves can also sometimes be.

While the constitution might be faulty in certain aspects that did not ensure the desired or expected “federal” outcomes many were hoping for, the real problem lies on the top.

Nepal jumped into a one of the greatest and most daunting experiments ever undertaken by a modern state, turning an autocratic mono-cultural monarchy, an extremely centralized form of government that was stifling people’s aspiration and their quest for recognition into a progressive, modern nation where the power is (at least supposedly) closer to the people.

It was an ambitious, daunting process, I would say, almost a gamble. Yet despite the criticisms, despite the downsides of such transformation, still, from what I learned from the conference, there are still strong feelings supporting federalism. This is a good thing.

Certainly, as we can see from the populist rabble rousers hitting the streets these days, it is undeniable that there is a lot of discontent as well. Federalism ended up being the primary target, the perfect scapegoat to channel all the discontents from the masses.

Nepal is no more an insulated nation after all.

While it is true that the war in Ukraine or what’s going on in Gaza did not particularly hit a nerve here like elsewhere, the national economy, no matter the influx of foreign capital thanks to the arrival of tourists, is in deep trouble.

What is also becoming clearer and this was also confirmed during the conference, is that the real problem is not federalism but rather the political class running the country. While on the one hand, there is a new constitution in place that is attempting, undoubtedly with some difficulties, to turn the nation into a true, solid and functional federal polity, the political leadership did not change, not an inch.

Obviously, this is not breaking news.

The same faces from the same dominant ethnic cultural group are still running the nation across all the tiers of government. This was one of the strongest messages emerging from the conference: while the constitution might be faulty in certain aspects that did not ensure the desired or expected “federal” outcomes many were hoping for, the real problem lies on the top.

“These people leading the three major parties do not want federalism,” the message kept echoing around the room throughout the event. That’s why the love and passion of most of the people towards federalism is not at peril of being jeopardized. Though fragile, the system in place is here to stay and this is the certainty I gained leaving the conference.

Because people understood that if certain improvements into the new system are needed to make it more workable, the real culprit for not making federalism effective is the elite running the nation. From here I have a hope that the overall framework has become resilient enough not to crack even if under pressure and even if some people are unhappy with it and want to revert to the past.

Such resilience cannot be taken for granted but, at the same time, it is one of the biggest achievements coming out of the massive transformations being undertaken by the nation. The political unwillingness of the political class, despite all the pretenses of showing otherwise, as frustrating and alienating as it is, won’t be able to turn back the clock.

Probably, while for some of the political leadership, for example former PM Oli, federalism may be an ideological “thing”, most of those running the country might have a sense of insecurity–the insecurity of really losing the grip on power; the insecurity of enabling others to emerge and govern their lives autonomously.

With this point, now I have to share the mixed feeling. It is about the fact that there is still not enough realization that inclusive democracy can only happen by truly empowering the most vulnerable sections of the society. Inclusive democracy won’t just be realized even if all the technical and political problems surrounding federalism will be solved.

The reality is that also power sharing at local levels is a reflection of the power dynamics at the center. Therefore, federalism per se, even a more complete and perfect form of it, won’t create an equitable and more diverse nation by default. There is no automatism between decentralization of powers even in the most radical forms that we can see in the most advanced federal systems around the world and achieving higher degrees of equity in the form of a real and meaningful access to the decision making.

We will need new electoral laws and a real discussion about the need for more affirmative legislation but these are issues that were not really central in the debate at the conference. Only the last session, which for me was probably the most significant, was focused on this delicate and sensitive aspect of inclusive federalization of the countries.

There were only three presentations focused on this aspect and, quite telling was the fact that out of them, only one was delivered by a citizen of Nepal. As the former Chief Justice of Australian Supreme Court, the key speaker at the Conference, said, no matter the rules and regulations that can make federalism transformative and effective, it is ultimately up to the people to make it work.

At the end of the day, it all goes down to a genuine desire to share power but also to a better realization that a new Nepal still has to find its own way to truly uplift those who have been historically marginalized. This historical mission is difficult and can be fraught but must be tackled even if it risks some alienation from the upper class people who would reject it outright.

On this, I am still not totally confident that there is an understanding (and internalization in the people’s self-consciousnesses) that federalism was, primarily, intended to uplift them and give them a voice. Federalism, in a way, should be a tool for creating inclusive policies around the nation and not just an end to itself.

Without recognizing the problem, more alienation and frustration might occur and, at that point, the foundations upon which federalism now rests, might start cracking. Then is when the love for federalism will be tested. Focusing on fixing the loopholes and technicalities won’t be enough.

Views expressed are personal.

International conference on federalism: Takeaways for Nepal

Australian Ambassador Felicity Volk Address International Conference On Federalism In Nepal

By NEW SPOTLIGHT ONLINE Nov. 23, 2023, 9:51 p.m.

Felicity Volk, Ambassador of Australia to Nepal, said that Australian government is ready to offer necessary support to Nepal in implementation of federalism.

Addressing the closing ceremony of the International Conference on federalism, devolution of power, and inclusive democracy in Nepal and Asia, Ambassador Volk stated that the Australian government is pleased to have supported this conference through our Subnational Governance Program to enhance knowledge and strengthen federalism in Nepal.

She further mentioned that the Australian government has been supporting the sub-national government program in Nepal for the last several years to strengthen the federal form of government in Nepal.

The conference discussions among experts from Australia, Nepal, and other countries focused on key issues of coordination, equitable resource distribution, and inclusion in decentralized government systems. These discussions will contribute to enhancing Nepal’s federal system.

Meghan W.T Nalbo, Country Representative of the Asia Foundation, expressed the foundation’s pleasure in supporting Nepal’s federal process implementation.

The TAF is pleased to host a valuable and insightful discussion on governance. They are collaborating closely with Australia on significant research and data-driven evaluations of current policies and laws.

During the closing session, Registrar Achyut Wagle of Kathmandu University commented that this type of international conference would make a significant contribution to Nepal.

Professor Dr. Rishikesh Wagle, the Dean of the Kathmandu University School of Law, asserts that academic exercises and expert meetings are crucial for the smooth implementation of federal government policies. Profeesor Dr. Bipin Adhikari, the Seminar’s convener, delivered the thank you message.

Earlier, during his opening statement, Vice President Ramsahay Prasad Yadav advocated for inclusive governance in Nepal. He stated that federalism is the most effective approach to reaching this objective.

He stated that federalism is not only a constitutional concept but also a governance system that empowers local communities, ensuring all sectors of society have input in government decisions about service provision.

Yadav further stressed that federalism prevents abuse of state power and underscores Nepal’s nationwide dedication toward promoting inclusivity, equitable sharing of resources, and federalization through its Constitution.

He urged all Nepalese to assist in achieving the Constitution’s esteemed objectives and stated that the conference would act as a catalyst for ideas that will influence the course of federalism not only in Nepal but throughout the wider expanse of Asia and the Pacific Region.

Yadav stated that collaborative efforts are required to address the current challenges and opportunities, and he expressed confidence that the conference outcomes would enhance our comprehension and substantially contribute to the ongoing implementation of the Constitution in Nepal.

The Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSOL) organized the conference under the leadership of the senior constitutional expert, Professor Bipin Adhikari.

Read at Spotlight Online [ Click Here]

Federalism Conference Begins In Kathmandu

First International Conference on Federalism: An Opportunity to Examine Nepal’s Gains and Challenges Ahead

By NEW SPOTLIGHT ONLINE Nov. 22, 2023, 9:21 a.m.

The International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power and Inclusive Democracy is beginning in Kathmandu today. Vice President Ram Sahay Prasad Yadav will inaugurate the two-day conference organized by Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSOL) to review Nepal’s federal structure eight years after its implementation under the 2015 constitution.

The conference will revolve around three key themes – intergovernmental coordination and cooperation; equitable distribution of resources across provinces; and inclusion in decentralized governance structures. It aims to evaluate persisting challenges, address critical issues impeding effective federalism, and propose solutions for functional, participatory governance.

With federalism adopted globally, Nepal’s issues resonate internationally, states Conference Convener Professor Bipin Adhikari. By facilitating interactions between experts from Nepal and abroad, this conference intends to contextualize Nepal’s federalization problems and opportunities.

Delivering the keynote address will be former Australian Supreme Court Chief Justice Robert French. Nepali Supreme Court Judge Honorable Dr. Ananda Mohan Bhattarai will provide special remarks. Over 25 international experts and 100 Nepali provincial and local representatives will participate, with 18 thematic papers and 36 written submissions to be presented over the two days.

The Conference is supported by The Asia Foundation’s Subnational Governance Program, under their strategic partnership with the Australian Government. As Nepal’s federal structure turns eight, this conference is well-timed to review progress, challenges and propose structural improvements for optimal, inclusive federalization. The press release issued by the School of Law follows hereunder.

Kathmandu University, Dhulikhel, Nepal: Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSoL) is hosting the 1st International Conference on Federalism in Nepal on November 22-23, in Kathmandu.

The International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia expected to serve as a crucial platform for national and international experts and policymakers to engage in in-depth discussions on the intricacies of federal governance and explore strategies for enhancing its effectiveness through exchanges of comparative knowledge, evidence and data for continuous learning and improvements in implementing the federal governance reforms.

The Conference will focus on three key themes: 1. Intergovernmental Coordination and Cooperation in Federal Systems: This theme will explore mechanisms for fostering seamless collaboration and coordination among various tiers of government within federal structures. Participants will engage in discussions on sharing responsibilities, resolving conflicts, and promoting holistic governance.

Equitable Distribution of Fiscal and State Resources: Addressing resource allocation and distribution is crucial for ensuring balanced development across all regions.

The conference will examine strategies for fair fiscal practices and optimal utilization of state resources to minimize disparities and promote sustainable growth. 3. Inclusion in Decentralized Governance: Inclusivity is at the heart of democratic principles under the Constitution of Nepal, 2015. This theme will facilitate conversations on ensuring that marginalized voices are heard and included in decision-making processes within decentralized structures, fostering a truly representative and participatory democracy.

The Conference is being organized with support from the Subnational Governance Program (SNGP) implemented by The Asia Foundation under a strategic partnership with The Australian Government. The primary objectives of the Conference include identifying suitable options and approaches to addressing challenges pertaining to intergovernmental relations, ensuring equitable resource distribution, and formulating effective solutions to enhance the inclusivity of federalized governance.

Besides, the Conference will also critically examine Nepal’s efforts towards implementing its federal governance model thus far and offer comparative knowledge and experiences from the Asia Pacific region and beyond to policy makers and other stakeholders in Nepal. This Conference aims to facilitate meaningful interactions between federal experts and practitioners in Nepal and their international counterparts, providing a valuable opportunity to gain insights from a diverse range of experiences. The Conference is being inaugurated by Ram Sahay Prasad Yadav, the Vice President of Nepal.

Justice Robert French, former Chief Justice of Australia will deliver the keynote address while Justice Dr. Ananda Mohan Bhattarai, an esteemed Supreme Court judge in Nepal will make special remarks at the inaugural session of the Conference scheduled for November 22.

Likewise, Felicity Volk, the Ambassador of Australia to Nepal and Professor (Dr.) Rishikesh Wagle, Dean of the School of Law at Kathmandu University amongst other distinguished experts will deliver special remarks at the closing ceremony of the Conference on November 23.

Over 25 internationals and approximately 100 Nepalis are expected to participate in the Conference. Many of the participants will represent provincial and local experiences.

At least 18 thematic papers will be presented, along with approximately three dozen written submissions from Nepal and across the world. The Constitution of Nepal articulates a robust commitment to attain its vision for sustainable peace, good governance, development and prosperity by ensuring equality and social justice through implementation of the federal, democratic, and republican system of governance. Having entered its eighth year of implementation, Nepal’s federal system, has witnessed accelerated progress since the inaugural general elections conducted under the new constitutional framework. However, despite these advancements, persistent challenges hinder the full realization of the federal concept’s potential.

The challenges faced by Nepal and gains made in its early stage of implementing the new federal model could be relevant not only for those over two dozen countries adopting this governance structure but also to a wider range of countries at global scale.

The Conference is convened by constitutional expert Professor Bipin Adhikari.

The organizing committee comprises Professor (Dr.) Rishikesh Wagle; Professor (Dr.) Arhan Sthapit, Dean of the School of Management and Law at Nepal Open University; Dr. Krishna Prasad Bashyal, Dean of the Faculty of Law at Tribhuvan University; Dr. Purna Bahadur Nepali, Coordinator of Policy Lab at Kathmandu University School of Management; and Srijana Nepal, MERL Manager of The Asia Foundation.

Additionally, the advisory committee includes Juddha Bahadur Gurung, a member of the National Natural Resources and Fiscal Commission; Dr. Arjun Karki, Chairperson of the University of Nepal (UoN) Development Board; Professor Ekku Maya Pun, Acting Dean of Kathmandu University School of Arts; Rajendra Pyakurel, Executive Director of the National Association of Rural Municipalities in Nepal (NARMIN); Kalanidhi Devkota, Executive Director of the Municipality Association of Nepal (MuaN); and Bishnu Adhikari, Governance Director of The Asia Foundation, Kathmandu.

“We express our gratitude to all speakers, commentators, and participants for dedicating their time to attend this Conference. We encourage everyone to actively engage with the conference themes and contribute to the ongoing process of constitution consolidation in Nepal. Kathmandu University is committed to actively following up on the outcomes of the Conference in the future.

Read at Spotlight Online [ Click Here]

KUSOL to host a conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy

OnlinekhabarMonday, November 20, 2023

Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSOL) is organising a conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia from November 22 to 23 at Hotel Malla, Kathmandu.

The two-day-long event will revolve around three central themes that include Intergovernmental Coordination and Cooperation in the Federal System, Equitable Distribution of Fiscal and State Resources and Inclusion in Decentralised Governance.

The conference will be led by constitutional expert and policy analyst Bipin Adhikari.

According to the organisers, the anticipated outcomes of this conference will hold substantial significance, particularly concerning the ongoing constitution implementation and consolidation process in Nepal.

Read at OnlineKhabar[ Click Here]

International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia

November 22 – November 23

Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSOL) is proud to announce its upcoming International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia. The conference is scheduled to take place on November 22-23, 2023, in the city of Kathmandu.

Federalism, as a governance model, has been gaining prominence around the world as a means to ensure equitable distribution of power and resources, enhance intergovernmental coordination, and promote inclusive democratic processes. Against this backdrop, KUSOL is convening a diverse array of constitutional experts, practitioners, researchers, policymakers, political parties, and civil society members from Nepal, South Asia, and the Asia Pacific region, bringing together approximately 100 participants for this landmark event.

The conference will revolve around three central themes:

Intergovernmental Coordination and Cooperation in Federal Systems: The conference will provide a platform to explore effective mechanisms for coordination and cooperation among various tiers of government within federal systems. Participants will engage in comprehensive discussions on sharing responsibilities, managing conflicts, and fostering collaboration for holistic governance.

Equitable Distribution of Fiscal and State Resources: Addressing the issue of resource allocation and distribution is crucial in ensuring balanced development across all regions. Attendees will delve into strategies for fair fiscal practices and optimal utilization of state resources to minimize disparities and promote sustainable growth.

Inclusion in Decentralized Governance: Inclusivity is at the core of democratic principles under the Constitution of Nepal, 2015. This theme will facilitate conversations on how to ensure marginalized voices are heard and included in decision-making processes within decentralized structures, fostering a truly representative and participatory democracy.

The conference is led by Prof. Bipin Adhikari as its convener, a scholar renowned for his expertise in constitutional law and governance.

KUSOL is grateful for the kind support extended by the Subnational Governance Program (SNGP) implemented by The Asia Foundation under a strategic partnership with The Australian Government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). The program shares the vision of advancing effective federal governance and inclusive democracy. Their partnership underscores the importance of such dialogues in addressing contemporary governance challenges.

The anticipated outcomes of this conference hold substantial significance, particularly in relation to the ongoing constitution implementation and consolidation process in Nepal. The insights generated and recommendations put forth during the event will contribute to shaping policies, refining practices, and enhancing the overall understanding of federalism, devolution of power, and inclusive democracy.

More information: https://solconferences.ku.edu.np/

To learn more about the conference and to register as a participant, click here!.

International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia

KUSOL to organise conference on federalism

[The Rising Nepal Sun, 12 November 2023]

The conference aims to address challenges arising from Nepal’s federal system adopted with the promulgation of new constitution in 2015. Noted experts from Nepal and abroad will examine issues related to the intergovernmental coordination, equitable resource distribution and inclusive decentralized governance.

Former Australian Chief Justice Robert French will deliver the keynote address. Supreme Court Judge Dr. Ananda Mohan Bhattarai will offer remarks.

The conference will review Nepal’s seven years of federalisation and analyse strengths, weaknesses, and pitfalls to suggest more robust implementation going forward, said Professor Bipin Adhikari, conference convener.

Around 100 experts and practitioners will participate in the event where at least 14 thematic papers will be presented.

Since its founding in 2013, KUSOL has provided quality interdisciplinary legal education in Nepal.

Read at The Rising Nepal [ Click Here]

KU all set to host international conference on federalism

[The Annapurna Express Nov. 10, 2023, 4:25 p.m.]

Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSOL) is all set to host the “International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia.”

The conference, scheduled for November 22-23, 2023, will take place at the Malla Hotel in Lainchaur, Kathmandu.

Since the promulgation of Nepal’s new constitution in 2015, federalism has been a central constitutional political issue in the country. Its practical application began with the first general elections held in 2017.

According to Professor Bipin Adhikari, the convener of the Conference, the decision to organize this conference stems from the pressing need to address the challenges arising from the implementation of federalism over the past seven years.

Distinguished national and international experts and practitioners will actively participate in the conference, focusing on three pivotal themes: intergovernmental coordination and cooperation in federal systems, equitable distribution of fiscal and state resources, and inclusion in decentralized governance.

The School of Law, established in 2013, has been committed to providing high-quality interdisciplinary legal education in Nepal. As the conference convenes, it aims to critically examine Nepal’s federal arrangements outlined in the 2015 Constitution, identify implementation challenges, and propose viable solutions.

Read at Annapurna Express [ Click Here]

KUSOL to Host ‘Federalism and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia’ Int’l Conf.

[Epardafas Correspondent 05th Nov 2023]

The Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSOL) is set to host the “International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia.” This event will bring together experts, practitioners, and researchers from various countries to discuss critical aspects of federalism, devolution of power, and inclusive democracy relevant to Nepal.

Key themes to be explored during the conference include intergovernmental coordination in federal systems, equitable distribution of fiscal and state resources, and fostering collaboration among government tiers within federal systems. Discussions will also cover resource allocation, balanced provincial development, equitable fiscal practices, and democratic principles aimed at ensuring marginalized voices’ active participation in decision-making processes.

The conference’s inauguration will be graced by Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda,’ with special remarks from Justice Ananda Mohan Bhattarai of the Supreme Court, Nepal. The keynote address will be delivered by Justice Robert French, former Chief Justice of Australia.

Professor Rishikesh Wagley, the Law Dean of Kathmandu University, highlighted the complexity of federal arrangements in Nepal due to political instability. He emphasized the conference’s goal of discussing the challenges of implementing federal arrangements outlined in Nepal’s 2015 Constitution and proposing potential solutions.

Prof Bipin Adhikari, the founder dean of Kathmandu University School of Law and a constitutional law expert, serves as the convener of the event. The focus of this conference is solely on federalism, diversity, and inclusion, in contrast to the previous Constitutional conference, which addressed the entire Constitution.

This significant event organized by KUSOL is expected to draw approximately 100 attendees, including constitutional experts, practitioners, researchers, policy makers, political parties, and civil society members from Nepal, South Asia, and the Asia Pacific region. The conference is the second of its kind, following the initial conference held in 2018, and is scheduled for November 22-23, 2023, at the Malla Hotel in Lainchaur, Kathmandu. Its outcomes are anticipated to contribute significantly to Nepal’s ongoing constitutional implementation process, aligning it with the principles of federalism, devolution of power, and inclusive democracy.

KUSOL to Host ‘Federalism and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia’ Int’l Conf.

Kathmandu University to hold International Conference on federalism and Inclusive Democracy

[Nepal Live Today, 4 November, 2023]

Kathmandu: The Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSOL) is gearing up to host the “International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia.”

The conference serves as a comprehensive platform for profound discussions on the multifaceted aspects of federalism, devolution of power, and inclusive democracy, according to the organizer. Speakers, constitutional experts, practitioners, and researchers from Nepal, India, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, China, Australia, Indonesia, Malaysia, and other countries will converge to explore pivotal themes relevant to Nepal.

The conference will delve into intergovernmental coordination and cooperation in federal systems, equitable distribution of fiscal and state resources, and inclusion in decentralized governance. It will explore effective methods for fostering collaboration among various government tiers within federal systems, touching upon shared responsibilities, conflict resolution, and holistic governance.

Resource allocation and distribution, promoting balanced provincial development, and advocating for equitable fiscal practices and sustainable resource management will also be addressed. Furthermore, discussions on democratic principles will take center stage, aiming to ensure active participation of marginalized voices in decision-making processes within decentralized structures and fostering a genuinely representative and participatory democracy.

The conference’s inauguration will be graced by Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’, with special remarks by Justice Ananda Mohan Bhattarai of the Supreme Court, Nepal. The keynote address will be delivered by Justice Robert French, former Chief Justice of Australia.

Professor Rishikesh Wagley, the Law Dean of Kathmandu University, opined that the Federal arrangements in Nepal are becoming increasingly complex due to political instability. “The conference seeks to engage in comprehensive discussions concerning the federal arrangements outlined in Nepal’s 2015 Constitution, explore the challenges of their implementation, and propose potential solutions.”

The convener of this significant event, as in 2018, is Prof Bipin Adhikari, the founder dean of Kathmandu University School of Law and a distinguished constitutional law expert. Adhikari emphasized the need for effective implementation of the Constitution to ensure that constitutional institutions can fulfill their roles in a democratic society. This time, the School of Law is focusing solely on the themes of federalism, diversity, and inclusion, which have been major issues, rather than addressing the entire Constitution, unlike the previous Constitutional conference.

Organized by the Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSOL), this conference will draw participation from constitutional experts, practitioners, researchers, policy makers, political parties, and civil society members from Nepal, South Asia, and the Asia Pacific region, totaling approximately 100 attendees.

This marks the second conference organized by KUSOL focusing on constitutional matters. The first conference, conducted in collaboration with the South Asia Trust, took place from August 11 to 13, 2018, three years after Nepal’s new Constitution was promulgated. The upcoming conference is scheduled for November 22-23, 2023, at the Malla Hotel in Lainchaur, Kathmandu. The conference outcomes are expected to make a significant contribution to Nepal’s ongoing constitutional implementation process, aligning it with the principles of federalism, devolution of power, and inclusive democracy.

Kathmandu University to hold International Conference on federalism and Inclusive Democracy

Kathmandu University (KU) Gears Up for International Conference on Federalism and Inclusive Democracy

[NEW Spotlight Online Oct. 26, 2023, 6:37 p.m.]

Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSOL) is gearing up to host the “International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power, and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia.” The conference is scheduled to take place from November 22-23, 2023, at the Malla Hotel in Lainchaur, Kathmandu.

The conference will serve as a robust platform for in-depth discussions on the multifaceted dimensions of federalism, devolution of power, and inclusive democracy. Esteemed speakers, constitutional experts, practitioners, and researchers from Nepal, India, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, China, Australia, Indonesia, Malaysia, and other countries will convene to explore significant critical themes relevant to Nepal.

The conference will delve into three key areas: intergovernmental coordination and cooperation in federal systems, equitable distribution of fiscal and state resources, and inclusion in decentralized governance. It will explore effective mechanisms for collaboration among diverse tiers of government within federal systems, fostering discussions on shared responsibilities, conflict management, and holistic governance.

Furthermore, the conference will address resource allocation and distribution to promote balanced provincial development, emphasizing strategies for fair fiscal practices and sustainable resource utilization. Discussions will also focus on the core principles of democratic governance, facilitating conversations on ensuring the active participation of marginalized voices in decision-making processes within decentralized structures, thereby promoting a genuinely representative and participatory democracy.

Special remarks will be provided by Justice Ananda Mohan Bhattarai of the Supreme Court, Nepal, while the keynote address will be delivered by Justice Robert French, the former Chief Justice of Australia.

According to Professor Rishikesh Wagley, the Law Dean of Kathmandu University, the conference aims to engage in comprehensive discussions on the federal arrangements outlined in Nepal’s Constitution of 2015. It will explore the challenges in their implementation and propose possible solutions.

The conference’s convener is Prof. Bipin Adhikari, the founder dean of Kathmandu University School of Law and a constitutional law expert.

Organized by Kathmandu University School of Law (KUSOL), the conference will see participation from constitutional experts, practitioners, researchers, policy makers, political parties, and civil society members from Nepal, South Asia, and the Asia Pacific region, totaling approximately 100 attendees.

The outcomes of the conference are poised to make a significant contribution to Nepal’s ongoing constitution implementation process, aligning it with the principles of federalism, devolution of power, and inclusive democracy.

Read at Spotlight Online [ Click Here]